Tuesday, April 11, 2017

Barack Obama and Angela Merkel Plan Globalist Reunion at Brandenburg Gate

Barack Obama and Angela Merkel Plan Globalist Reunion at Brandenburg Gate

TOBIAS SCHWARZ/AFP/Getty Images

The topic of discussion will be ”Being Involved in Democracy: Taking on Responsibility Locally and Globally” at a forum sponsored by the German Protestant Kirchentag and the Obama Foundation to celebrate the 500th anniversary of the Protestant Reformation.

“The churches form a global civil society network of over two billion Christians. Together, as people of faith, we live from the firm hope for a better world,” said Heinrich Bedford-Strohm, a theology professor who is helping coordinate the conference.

The event will take place at the Brandenburg Gate, not far from Obama’s first major international speech in Europe as he campaigned for president in 2008.

During that speech, Obama noted that “the burdens of global citizenship continue to bind us together.”

“I speak to you not as a candidate for President, but as a citizen – a proud citizen of the United States, and a fellow citizen of the world,” he said as he opened his speech.



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Sunday, April 9, 2017

Denmark’s Outspoken Anti-Islam Politician … Who’s Muslim

Denmark’s Outspoken Anti-Islam Politician … Who’s Muslim

Why you should care

Because he doesn’t mince his words on the thorny issues of terrorism, burqas and Sharia.

Naser Khader, a Syrian immigrant and Denmark’s most outspoken Muslim, has a number of tattoos in Arabic that proclaim values that “I am willing to die for,” he says. But it’s not verses from the Quran that are indelibly inked onto his skin. They are the words for the liberal values of “freedom,” “democracy” and “freedom of speech.” One is a sentence adapted from the American Declaration of Independence — “All men and women are created equal and free.” The latest addition on his forearm states, in Danish, his allegiance to his adopted home country. They “always stir up a reaction” when he visits a public bath in the Arabic-speaking world, he says.

Conservative People’s Party MP Khader, 53, does not stick to the script when it comes to the mainstream dialogue surrounding Islam in Western politics. In the wake of the March terror attack in London, U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May blamed not “Islamic” but “Islamist” terrorism, drawing a line between mainstream Islam and violent jihad, echoing past rhetoric from Barack Obama and other world leaders. Khader disagrees: “We can’t deny it. Those that commit these crimes are Muslims, they use Muslim arguments, they use passages from the Quran,” he says. 

Through statements like that, Khader has cultivated a “personal brand” and a “legitimacy” on issues of Islam that lends him an outsize public profile for an MP, says Karina Kosiara-Pedersen, professor of politics at the University of Copenhagen. After briefly losing his seat in the previous cycle, he was re-elected to parliament in 2015, and is now perhaps the conservative party’s most prominent backbencher. 

He is the only one [of Denmark’s few Muslim MPs] who will deliberately play the Islam card, and it is clearly not to attract the Muslim vote.

Jorgen Nielsen, professor of contemporary European Islam

“It’s my obligation,” says Khader, to speak out on the thorny and politically divisive topic of Islam and its compatibility with Western liberal democracy. “It’s much easier for me than for my colleagues who are white and Christian.” He sees Islam as in “crisis,” in need of a Martin Luther–esque revolution. Among his theses? Khader argues the Quran should be translated into modern Arabic to contextualize potentially incendiary verses; Sharia, he says, should be construed as personal faith rather than the sole legal system in a country; and it must be re-emphasized that Muhammad is not God but a prophet. Oh, and in 2009Khader announced that his party favored banning the burqa. (It remains legal.)

These are not merely theological matters for Khader. “Martin Luther had the support of kings,” he says. His role in politics, then, is to support such reforms — through rhetoric, speech and, yes, mass media pontification.

Khader’s stances mirror the positions of many secular Syrian intellectuals, says professor Jorgen Nielsen, an expert on contemporary European Islam. Khader instead calls himself a “reform Muslim” — “I have faith but I am not religious. I don’t pray, I don’t fast, but Islam is a part of my culture.” Yet his is far from the standard stance in Islam. Muslims generally hold that the Quran is the direct word of God; translation and reinterpretation are forbidden. And for many, faith — including Sharia — is necessarily both public and private, personal and legal.

This is not the story of a standard politician, though. For 22 years, Khader was a member of the Social Liberal Party — traditionally centrist, though it’s recently aligned itself more closely with the left, with a staunchly pro-immigration stance. The country’s 2005–2006 “cartoon crisis,” though, was a watershed moment in cultural relations for the nation of some 230,000 Muslims, about 4 percent of the population: When a newspaper provocatively published a series of cartoons of the prophet Muhammad, protests, boycotts and violent riots erupted worldwide. Khader, an outspoken supporter of the cartoonists, founded a group called Moderate Muslims, which was as much about religious culture as civil libertarianism. Today, Khader refers to his annual trips back to Damascus, where he lived until age 11. “I know what it is like to live without freedom,” he says.

Naser Khader

That cartoon crisis, Khader says, “changed me personally.” Disappointed in the Social Liberals’ criticism of the cartoonists, he quit, forming the pragmatic center-right New Alliance, in part to counter the far-right Danish People’s Party. Khader’s venture remained immature on a number of issues, though, says Kosiara-Pedersen, and soon he defected to the Conservatives. His chosen colleagues today find themselves struggling with dwindling support to the more prominent center-right party, Venstre. In that battle for support, Khader is entangled in ever-prominent immigration debates; Venstre toes a harder line than the Conservatives, says Rune Stubager, professor of politics at Aarhus University — part of the reason Venstre won control of the government last election. (The integration minister recently celebrated the passing of a 50th regulation clamping down on immigration with cake.) 

And so some critics reject Khader’s shift rightward as political opportunism. He’s “the only one” of the country’s few Muslim MPs “who will deliberately play the Islam card,” says Nielsen, “and it is clearly not to attract the Muslim vote.” He’s aiming for those conservatives not quite willing to go as far as the People’s Party.

It would be churlish to call Khader a one-trick pony — Islam and immigration loom over his career, but he’s also a party spokesperson for justice, culture and foreign policy, advocating once more for displays of muscle: increased police numbers, tougher sentences and the promotion of the national Lutheran state church. He argues that NATO should play a stronger role in Syria.

Despite controversy, Khader, a former popular radio host, maintains a likable public persona, says Kosiara-Pedersen. Which belies the storm resulting from provoking Islam: Khader has had round-the-clock security from two personal bodyguards since February 5, 2006 (the date is etched into his memory), the day after the Danish embassy in Damascus was torched. “You get used to it,” he says. Plus, “I am probably beyond the point of no return.”



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Saturday, April 1, 2017

Why Is Trump Waging War on the Freedom Caucus?

Why Is Trump Waging War on the Freedom Caucus?

Why is Trump attacking the House Freedom Caucus? He has tweeted that “we must fight them.”

My first thought: this is inevitable. Destiny is unfolding before our eyes! 

There is the obvious fact that the Freedom Caucus was the reason the GOP’s so-called replacement for Obamacare went down to defeat. They fought it for a solid reason: it would not have reduced premiums or deductibles, and it would not have increased access to a greater degree of choice in the health-insurance market. 

These people knew this. How? Because there was not one word of that bill that enabled the health care industry to become more competitive. Competition is the standard by which reform must be judged. The core problem of Obamacare (among many) was that it froze the market in an artificial form and insulated it from competitive forces. 

At minimum, any reform must unfreeze the market. The proposed reform did not do that. 

Bad Reform

That means the reform would not have been good for the American people. It would not have been good for the Republican Party. And then the chance for real reform – long promised by many people in the party – would have been gone.

Trump latched on to the proposal without understanding it. Or, other theories: he doesn’t care, he actually does favor universal coverage even if it is terrible, or he just wanted some pyrrhic victory even if it did nothing to improve the access. 

The Freedom Caucus killed it. And I’m trying to think back in political history here, is there another time since World War Two that a pro-freedom faction of the Republican Party killed a bill pushed by the majority that pertained to such a large sector and dealt with such a hugely important program?

I can’t think of one. 

What this signifies is extremely important. We might be seeing the emergence of a classically liberal faction within the GOP, one that is self consciously driven by an agenda that is centered on a clear goal: getting us closer to an ideal of a free society. The Caucus isn’t fully formed yet in an ideological sense, but its agenda is becoming less blurry by the day. (And please don't call them the "hard right wing.") 

The old GOP coalition included nationalists, militarists, free enterprisers, and social conservatives. The Trump takeover has strained it to the breaking point. Now the genuine believers in freedom are gaining a better understanding of themselves and what they must do. 

For the first times in our lives! Even in our parents’ and grandparents’ lives! 

The Larger Picture

Trump is obviously not a student of history or political philosophy, but he does embody a strain of thinking with a history that traces back in time. I discussed this in some detail herehere, and here, among many other places. The tradition of thought he inhabits stands in radical opposition to the liberal tradition. It always has. We just remain rather ignorant of this fact because the fascist tradition of thought has been dormant for many decades, and so is strangely unfamiliar to this generation of political observers. 

So let us be clear: this manner of thinking that celebrates the nation-state, believes in great collectives on the move, panics about the demographic genocide of a race, rails against the “other” invading our shores, puts all hope in a powerful executive, and otherwise believes not in freedom but rather in compliance, loyalty, and hero worship – this manner of thinking has always and everywhere included liberals (or libertarians) as part of the enemy to be destroyed.

And why is this? Liberalism to them represents “rootless cosmopolitanism,” in the old Nazi phrase. They are willing to do business with anyone, move anywhere, and imagine that the good life of peace and prosperity is more than enough to aspire to in order to achieve the best of all possible worlds. They don’t believe that war is ennobling and heroic, but rather bloody and destructive. They are in awe of the creation of wealth out of simple exchanges and small innovations. They are champions of the old bourgeois spirit. 

To the liberal mind, the goal of life is to live well in peace and experience social and financial gain, with ever more alleviation of life’s pains and sufferings. Here is magic. Here is beauty. Here is true heroism.

The alt-right mind will have none of this. They want the clash, the war, the struggle against the enemy, big theaters of epic battles that pit great collectives against each other. If you want a hilarious caricature of this life outlook, no one does it better than Roderick Spode

Natural Enemies

This is why these two groups can never get along politically. They desire different things. It has always and everywhere been true that when the strongmen of the right-Hegelian mindset gain control, they target the liberals for destruction. Liberals become the enemy that must be crushed. 

And so it is that a mere few months into the presidency of this odd figure that the Freedom Caucus has emerged as a leading opposition. They will back him where they can but will otherwise adhere to the great principle of freedom. When their interests diverge, the Freedom Caucus will go the other way. It is not loyalty but freedom that drives them. It is not party but principle that makes them do what they do. 

To any aspiring despot, such views are intolerable, as bad as the reliable left-wing opposition. 

Listen, I’m all for working with anyone to achieve freedom. When Trump is right (as he is on environmental regulation, capital gains taxes, and some other issues), he deserves to be backed. When he is wrong, he deserves to be opposed. This is not about partisanship. It is about obtaining freer lives.

But let us not languish in naïvete. The mindset of the right-wing Hegelian is not at all the same as a descendant of the legacy of Adam Smith. They know it. We need to know it too. 



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A True Story About the Southern Poverty Law Center

A True Story About the Southern Poverty Law Center

A refreshing and much-needed take-down of the ethically impoverished Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) and its avaricious founder Morris Dees inspired me to recount IFI’s true story about our interaction with the blackguards who maintain the SPLC’s “hate groups” list.

The impetus for Carl Cannon’s critique of the SPLC on Real Clear Politics was the recent assault on esteemed scholar Charles Murray at Middlebury College in Vermont, an assault that was inspired by the pernicious SPLC, the same organization that inspired the shooting at the Family Research Council’s headquarters in 2012.

While ignorant school board members in Illinois School District U-46 cite the SPLC to discredit the Illinois Family Institute (IFI), the FBI has stopped using the SPLC as a resource, and Cannon reports that the “most scathing assessments of Dees and his group have always come from the left. Stephen B. Bright, a Yale law professor and president of the Atlanta-based Southern Center for Human Rights, calls Dees a ‘shyster’ and a ‘con man.’”

In early March, 2009, which was about six months after I started working for IFI, we learned that IFI had been put on the Southern Poverty Law Center’s (SPLC) hate groups list.

Since IFI stands unequivocally opposed to both violence and hatred, we wondered why we were listed as an “anti-gay” hate group when other institutions like the Roman Catholic Church and many Protestant denominations that share our same views on matters related to homosexuality were not.

Why the SPLC first claimed IFI was put on its hate groups list

For clarification I called the SPLC and spoke with Heidi Beirich. Our conversation was troubling in that Ms. Beirich revealed that even a tenuous, distant connection to statements the SPLC doesn’t like will land an organization on their hate groups list.

She told me that the only reason IFI had been included on the hate groups list was that in 2005, IFI’s former executive director Peter LaBarbera had posted a very short article by someone not affiliated with IFI (i.e., Paul Cameron) for which LaBarbera had written an even shorter introduction.

Although there were no defamatory comments made in this piece or LaBarbera’s introduction, Beirich claimed that in other articles by Cameron (articles that never appeared on IFI), he had suggested that (in Beirich’s words) “Gays are sickly, and people should stay away from them.” IFI had no idea if that claim were true, but if it were, IFI would reject it, find it inconsistent with Scripture, and find it repellent. The problem was IFI had never cited or endorsed such rhetoric, and yet the SPLC had labeled IFI as an active hate group based on it.

Beirich also claimed that in the short article IFI had posted, Cameron had cited a purportedly erroneous statistic regarding shortened lifespans of homosexual men. I responded that I could see how a statistic could be erroneous and derived from flawed methodology, but I couldn’t see erroneous statistics as defamatory or hateful. I don’t think health statistics alone, even statistics that emerge from flawed methodologies, can be construed as hatred. In fact, if there are particular health risks associated with particular sexual practices, it would be callous and irresponsible not to share that information publicly.

But, more important, the same finding regarding reduced life expectancy for homosexual men has been reported by a world-renowned medical journal, and has been cited as true by homosexual activists when it serves their purposes.

That study, which appeared in Oxford University’s International Journal of Epidemiology, concluded that “In a major Canadian centre, life expectancy at age 20 years for gay and bisexual men is 8 to 20 years less than for all men. If the same pattern of mortality were to continue, we estimate that nearly half of gay and bisexual men currently aged 20 years will not reach their 65th birthday.”

Also, in their book Caring For Lesbian and Gay People-A Clinical Guide, authors Dr. Allan Peterkin and Dr. Cathy Risdon suggest that the life expectancy of gay/bisexual men in Canada is 55 years.

Whatever problems with methodology the study Cameron cited may have had, the specific nature of the author’s conclusions that bothered Beirich seems to be consistent with that of others. In addition, merely pointing to health statistics cannot reasonably be construed as defamatory.

What the SPLC’s Mark Potok did next

Following our exposé of the reason for the SPLC’s inclusion of IFI on their “anti-gay” hate groups list, the SPLC started receiving complaints, which evidently didn’t sit too well with them. As a result of those complaints, the editor of their ironically named “Intelligence Report,” which includes the hate groups list, Mark Potok, started leaving troubling voice messages around the country for those who called to complain.

Here’s a transcription of one of those messages:

Yes, Hi, this is a message for . . . from Mark Potok, Southern Poverty Law Center. Very briefly, I just wanna say very briefly – we do list them (Illinois Family Institute) for a reason, which we’ve stated publicly. They (IFI) have been less, in my opinion, than honest about what we really said. They publish and promote the work of a man named Paul Cameron. Paul Cameron is a guy who is infamous for over the last 20 years for producing, for publishing fake studies that allege all kinds of terrible things about homosexuals. For instance, that gay men are, something like, 20 times more likely to molest children; that gay men have an average death age of something like 43 because they’re so sickly and, ya know, sorta do such terrible things. These things are completely false and have been proven false long ago. Our view is that the Illinois Family Institute promotes these complete falsehoods. Then that is hateful activity. We never list any group on the basis of simply disagreeing morally or otherwise with homosexuality. We told the Illinois Family Institute directly that if they remove this material from their website, in fact, that we would take them off the list. Instead, what they’ve done is essentially launched an attack on us to try to get people to call us as you did. Anyway, that’s all. I just wanted to at least briefly explain that it was not quite the way it was being portrayed.

Contrary to Potok’s claim that the SPLC had publicly stated their reason for including IFI on their “anti-gay” hate groups list, to my knowledge, prior to my phone call to them, they had never publicly stated their reason. And stating their reason in a private phone conversation with me doesn’t constitute a public statement.

Was IFI dishonest?

After I heard his voice message in which Potok stated that IFI had “been less than honest,” I called and spoke to him, informing him that in my article, I was scrupulously honest about what Heidi Beirich had said to me. In fact, I even included a link  to this follow-up email from Beirich in which she restated the reason for the SPLC’s inclusion of IFI on their hate groups list:

You are correct that LaBarbera’s endorsement of Cameron’s work (which is on IFI’s website) is the reason for our listing your group.

I told Potok that in my phone conversation with her, I even stopped her so that I could write down exact quotes, and I told her I was doing so. In my article that Potok found objectionable, I informed IFI readers that Ms. Beirich had stated the only reason we were on the “anti-gay” hate groups list was that we had posted one article four years prior by a writer not affiliated with IFI, and that if we took that one article down, the SPLC would remove us from the hate groups list. In my article, I also explained that some of the claims that SPLC was making about Cameron’s statements–if true–would be repellent to IFI, and that we were in the process of verifying the accuracy of the SPLC’s claims.

Frankly, I don’t know how I could have been more honest.

Was the SPLC accurate in their description of what IFI had done?

Mr. Potok stated in his voice message that we, IFI, “publish and promote the work of a man named Paul Cameron.” This grossly misrepresented the nature of our involvement with Cameron’s work. It suggests that we regularly or continually published and promoted his work, when, by Potok’s and Beirich’s own admission, we published only one brief article.

More troubling yet, this one article contained no statements remotely like those that Mr. Potok articulated in his voice message: “gay men are, something like, 20 times more likely to molest children” or that “they’re so sickly and, ya know, sorta do such terrible things.”

Potok dug himself in even deeper when he said in his voice message that it is the SPLC’s view that “the Illinois Family Institute promotes these [emphasis mine] complete falsehoods.” “These” is a demonstrative pronoun referring back to the statements he just made. The problem is that he suggested that IFI promotes falsehoods that the SPLC’s own evidence proves we did not promote. The SPLC’s own evidence was the one four-year-old article that did not include any references to “child molestation,” or “sickly homosexuals sorta doing terrible things.” Potok was either stunningly careless with his rhetoric or deliberately manipulative.

I explained to Potok that the one article from four years ago contained no hate rhetoric, and that it alone cannot possibly justify labeling IFI a hate group. I told him that simply quoting a source once does not mean that an organization supports or endorses everything that a source says or does.

I also explained that I would have no problem removing the article except that I wanted to provide evidence for our claim that the SPLC’s reason for including IFI on a hate groups list is flimsy, unethical, irresponsible, and unsavory.

In his voice mail message, Potok continued his turbo-charged rhetoric claiming that IFI “launched an attack” on the SPLC. Once again, his facts are slightly askew. IFI did not call for people to voice their opposition to the SPLC. But more important, phone calls of opposition hardly constitute an “attack.”

Suspicious timing of the SPLC’s addition of IFI to their hate groups list

I asked Mr. Potok if IFI had been on the SPLC’s hate groups list since 2005 when the challenged article was posted. He replied “No.” I then asked when we were first listed, and he said 2008. So, they added us to their list in 2008 based on one brief article posted in 2005. Coincidentally, I started writing for IFI in 2008.

Exposing the SPLC’s deceit

In order to expose the deceit of the SPLC, IFI took the offending article down in 2009, and the SPLC took us off the hate groups list. Then in 2010, we were back on. What happened in 2010?

Well, in 2010, Potok and his accomplices Heidi BeirichEvelyn Schlatter, and Robert Steinback finally got around to manufacturing criteria for determining what constitutes a “hate group.”

To be clear, in 2008, the SPLC had put IFI on its hate groups list for one short article posted in 2005 that included no hateful rhetoric and two years before they had established criteria for determining what constitutes a hate group.

What the SPLC did in 2010 was create a definition of “hatred” that is elastic enough to allow the inclusion of organizations the SPLC doesn’t like. The dubious criteria dubiously applied focus on social science research or propositions that the SPLC doesn’t like.

Schlatter explains that the “propagation” of “known falsehoods” about homosexuality will result in organizations being included on the SPLC’s “anti-gay” list and perhaps also on their hate groups list. The SPLC claims that groups warrant inclusion on its hate groups list if they propagate “known falsehoods” about homosexuality.

I’m not sure if Beirich and her compeers actually understand what a “known falsehood” (also called a lie) is. A known falsehood is a statement that is objectively, provably false and is known to be false when made. So, let’s take a closer look at just four of the ten “known falsehoods” that she and co-author Robert Steinback cite in their companion article “10 Anti-Gay Myths Debunked”.

Alleged falsehood about hate crimes legislation and the repeal of  DADT

The SPLC has said that if an organization argues that hate crime legislation may result in the jailing of pastors who condemn volitional homosexual acts as sinful, the organization is guilty of “anti-gay” hatred and will be included on the SPLC’s hate groups list. And any organization that argues that allowing homosexuals to serve openly in the military will damage the military merits inclusion on its “anti-gay” hate groups list.

How can the SPLC sensibly claim that speculating that hate crimes legislation may lead to the jailing of pastors who condemn homosexuality is a known falsehood? It is a prediction of possible future events that may result from the logical working out of a law. This prediction may not come to fruition, but at this point it cannot reasonably be deemed a “known falsehood.”

And how can a prediction about the effects of allowing homosexuals to serve openly in the military be a known falsehood? Certainly, there are differences of opinion on the effects of the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, but liberal speculation that such a change will not damage the military is not a known truth.

Alleged falsehood concerning mental illness and drug use among homosexuals

If any organization states that homosexuals experience higher rates of depression or drug use might land on the hate groups list. The SPLC engages in some tricksy rhetoric to defend this criterion. Schlatter and Steinback argue that mental health organizations no longer consider homosexuality a mental disorder, which is true but has no relevance to the fact—which even the SPLC concedes—that homosexuals experience much higher rates of mental illness and drug and alcohol abuse than the general population.

What really sticks in the craw of the SPLC is that conservative organizations don’t agree with the unproven speculation by the SPLC and some social scientists that the reasons for the increased incidence of mental disorders and drug use are social stigma and “discrimination.”

Alleged falsehood about children raised by homosexuals 

The SPLC deems hateful the claim that same-sex parents harm children. Potok and his minions don’t define harm and apparently reject a whole body of social science research that claims that children fare best when raised by a mother and father in an intact family. Even President Obama in his Mother’s Day and Father’s Day proclamations argued that both are essential to the welfare of children.

While homosexual activists revel in even the most poorly constructed social science research if it reinforces their presuppositions, they reject better constructed studies that undermine them. If organizations don’t accept the ever-fluid, controvertible, and highly politicized social science research that the SPLC favors, they go on the “hate group” list.

Alleged falsehood about persons who choose to leave homosexuality

If an organization claims that people can “choose to leave homosexuality,” it risks being added to the hate groups list.  But there exist people who choose to stop engaging in homoerotic activity, and choose to leave homoerotic relationships, and choose no longer to place unwanted homoerotic attraction at the center of their identity.  There are former homosexuals like Rosaria Butterfield and Michael Glatze who are now happily married to opposite-sex persons. How can making a true statement about the possibility that humans can make choices about their “sexual orientation” and identity be construed as a known falsehood or hateful?

Next time a feckless school board member or politician cites the Southern Poverty Law Center to discredit the Family Research Council, the American Family Association, or the Illinois Family Institute, do your level best to confront their ignorance and bigotry with truth.




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Monday, March 27, 2017

Stephen King Says Republicans Are Mean To Poor People. Here Are 7 Statistics Showing They're Not.

Stephen King Says Republicans Are Mean To Poor People. Here Are 7 Statistics Showing They're Not.

Stephen King is well-known for churning out brilliantly written novels. Somehow that brilliance doesn't translate to his thoughts on politics, where King comes across as a petulant child.

Here is King's latest asinine political tweet:

A Salon headline articulated a question I've been asking myself for years: Why are Republicans so mean to poor people?

— Stephen King (@StephenKing) March 23, 2017

King's first mistake was taking a Salon headline seriously. His second mistake was whining about Republicans for supposedly being big meanies to the poor. The statistics simply do not support his childish assertion.

Here are seven statistics that show Republicans are not mean to poor people:

1. Fifty-four percent of registered Republicans donated to charity while only 45 percent of Democrats did so. This is according to 2012 data compiled by the Huffington Post, which also found that 51 percent of registered voters donated to charity while only 22 percent of those who aren't registered to vote donated to charity.

2. Thirty-three percent of Republicans volunteered their time to charitable work; 24 percent of Democrats did the same, according to the Huffington Post.

3. Nine out of ten of the states that donated the most charity voted for Mitt Romney in 2012. 

.@StephenKing You were saying? pic.twitter.com/wXz7SWlT7z

— Kayla (@VixenRogue) March 24, 2017

There is one important caveat: once charity to religious organizations are taken out of the equation, the more left-wing northeastern states emerge as the more charitable states. But not only do religious organizations like churches provide charitable aid to the less fortunate, they teach philanthropic values to their members. They also increase the likelihood of the wealthy being introduced to people in poverty, thereby raising the likelihood that those who are rich will donate money to charity and volunteer for charitable causes. So, it's valid to include donating to religious institutions as donations to charity.

4. Conservative households donated 30 percent more of their money to charity than left-wing households. This is despite the fact that left-wing households had six percent higher incomes than conservative households, according to data from Arthur Brooks in 2008.

5. The percentage of families living in "deep poverty" was 5.5 percent before welfare-to-work reform was passed in 1996; that number was reduced to 2.5 percent in 2007. The Republican Congress sent the welfare reform bill to President Bill Clinton's desk twice before he finally relented and signed it on Congress's third attempt. The bill clearly helped lift people out of poverty. Today, the percentage of families in "deep poverty" is closer to three percent but that's because of the sluggish nature of Barack Obama's economy.

For more on the welfare reform bill, read the Heritage Foundation's Robert Rector's piece on it here.

6. During Ronald Reagan's presidency, 86 percent of those in the poorest 20 percent of income brackets in 1979 lifted themselves into better income brackets. The Left likes to claim that Reagan's presidency slammed the poor in favor of the wealthy, but this statistic from the Treasury Department debunks that claim, according to David Limbaugh.

7. The free-market values that underlie the Republican platform have lifted more people out of poverty worldwide than any government program ever could. The Daily Wire has a bevy of statistics on that here

A couple of questions for King: if Republicans are mean to the poor, then why do they donate more to charity than Democrats? Why is it that their policies actually lift people out of poverty while Democrat policies keep them there?

King's political tweeting history suggests that he won't consider such questions; he will only continue to tweet about supposedly mean Republicans, encapsulating the childlike mindset of the Left.

Follow Aaron Bandler on Twitter.



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Sunday, March 26, 2017

The ER demonstrates the inverted priorities of American society

The ER demonstrates the inverted priorities of American society

shutterstock_69519853

We fling open the doors of America’s emergency departments to help those who can’t afford health care.  We have legislated this protection: No person can be turned away for financial reasons.  This is very compassionate and represents the higher angels of our culture.  Alas, it also is emblematic of the stupider demons of government.  You see, the ER demonstrates the inverted priorities of American society.

In the ER, expensive tattoos abound.  Piercing is ubiquitous.  Almost every adult and child has a smartphone, it seems.  All too many spend the duration of their ER visit glaring at the screen of said phone; barely looking up at the physician who is attempting to engage them in meaningful conversation about the reason they came for care.

Cigarettes populate purses and drug screens are notoriously positive for at least chronic narcotic pain medications, but often other substances, among them marijuana and amphetamines.

Dental care?  It is regularly ignored because, in the words of my patients, “I don’t have dental insurance.”  Guess what.  Neither do I, and I pay a lot for insurance.  Dental care has typically been a cash business. That’s why dentists, crafty guys and gals that they are, spend their time mucking around the human mouth.  Floss and toothpaste?  Seems a bit excessive compared to a nice new tattoo.

But, on the southern end of things, carefully groomed pubic hair is not at all out of the question.  The teeth may fall out; the nether regions will be carefully tended.

It’s all about priorities: those of individuals and those of leaders.  Our leaders, ever convinced that we must give medical care to those perceived to be in need, often forget that modern definitions of poverty and need may be a bit different from need throughout human history.  And that if a family has an expensive cell plan, new truck and big-screen TV with satellite, it might not be unreasonable to ask them to put up a little money for their own health care.

A woman told me, recently, that her daughter (at birth) had a minor congenital abnormality that required daily application of a cream.  “And I had to spend $200 of my own money!”  She was aghast.  As are all of those who will gladly pay anything for Oxycontin (legal or otherwise), but who are offended and downtrodden when their antibiotic isn’t free at the local pharmacy.

We can’t keep this up.  We’ve created a monstrosity of entitlement.  I care for the poor; I love the poor and have always tried my best to help those in genuine need.  Those truly hurting.

But when cosmetics, vices and electronics are considered reasonable expenditures while the rest of us pay for necessities like prescriptions (or over the counter Tylenol and Motrin as I’m often asked to prescribe for Medicaid), then we are entering the death spiral.

Hate me if you want.  The truth is unpleasant.

But it is clean-shaven.

Edwin Leap is an emergency physician who blogs at edwinleap.com and is the author of The Practice Test.

Image credit: Shutterstock.com



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Friday, March 24, 2017

Eleven health-care bill changes aimed at wooing moderates and the far-right

Eleven health-care bill changes aimed at wooing moderates and the far-right

In an effort to coax skeptics within the party to support an overhaul of federal health-care law, House Republican leaders introduced nine amendments on Monday night and three more on Thursday. The House originally was to have voted on the legislation, called the American Health Care Act, on Thursday, but the chamber’s leaders postponed it for lack of support. At the urging of President Trump, they announced Thursday night that they would hold the vote on Friday.  It remains unclear whether these changes are persuading the dozens in their ranks who have been saying they oppose the legislation or have serious concerns. Given that all Democrats are expected to vote against it, the legislation will fail if more than 22 House Republicans vote against it. 

The legislation faces resistance from both moderates within the House GOP and the most conservative faction. As a result, the bill’s authors have proposed to alter parts of the bill in ways to appeal to one camp or the other — and even offered a change specifically targeting a handful of representatives from Upstate New York. Here’s how the bill has changed:

The three amendments added Thursday:

AHCA

For conservatives

Eliminate federal requirement that plans be comprehensive

Starting next year, would get rid of the ACA’s requirement that health plans sold to individuals and small businesses must cover 10 “essential health benefits,” including care for pregnant women and newborns, mental health treatment and maternity care, among other things. The bill would, instead, direct each state to determine the basic health benefits that insurance must include. Some states would be free to keep the 10 required under the ACA, cut the list, or not establish any minimum coverage. As a result, health plans in parts of the country could be sold that are skimpier and less expensive.

For moderates

Increase aid to states for maternity and newborn care

AHCA

Would add maternity and newborn care to a list of ways that states could use federal money they would receive through a “Patient and State Stability Fund” that the legislation would create.The delay in the repeal of the Medicare tax on wealthy Americans would provide $15 billion to be used for this purpose.

For moderates

Delay repeal of Medicare tax on wealthy Americans

AHCA

This change would leave in place for another six years a 0.9 percent Medicare tax the ACA created on people who earn above $200,000 if filing individually, or $250,000 if married and filing jointly. The repeal would now take effect in 2023.

The eight amendments added Monday:

AHCA

For conservatives

End Medicaid expansion sooner

Obamacare's Medicaid expansion allowed people with incomes up to 138 percent of the federal poverty line to enroll in the program in participating states. The Republicans’ bill would, within a few years, end the generous federal funding the ACA provides states to help cover people in this Medicaid expansion. 

The AHCA would allow states to expand Medicaid until the end of 2019, but an amendment would mean that only states that had expanded their programs by March 2017 could receive the higher amount of federal Medicaid money provided under current law.

AHCA

For conservatives

Optional work requirement for Medicaid

States could choose to require able-bodied adults to prove that they are working or looking for work to qualify for Medicaid benefits. Children, pregnant women, parents of young children, some students and disabled people would be exempted. 

[ Trio of GOP proposals would overhaul Medicaid dramatically, starting with job requirement]

For moderates

$85 billion in additional aid for older Americans

AHCA

An amendment would try to free up federal money to provide more financial help to Americans ages 50 to 64, who typically have higher health costs than younger people and could face big insurance price increases under the AHCA. (Those 65 or older are typically eligible for help under Medicare.) The amendment does not spell this out, however, and the House GOP leadership is hoping the Senate would further alter the legislation to include this help.

[ House Republicans unveil changes to their health-care bill]

For moderates

Increased inflation factor for elderly and disabled

AHCA

Under the legislation, the way the government helps pay for Medicaid would be profoundly changed. Instead of covering a fixed percentage of the costs of each person on the Medicaid rolls in a given state, the government would begin to pay a fixed sum of money per person, with the sum changing from year to year based on the rate of medical inflation. The amendment would slightly increase the yearly inflation adjustment for people on Medicaid who are elderly or disabled — but not for other adults or for children.

AHCA

For conservatives

Medicaid block grants option

States could have an alternative to the per-person funding — a block grant, which is a fixed amount of federal funding, not tied to the number of enrollees. In exchange, states that chose block grants would be freed from federal standards that define the people states must include in their Medicaid programs and the medical benefits that must be covered.

[ Trio of GOP proposals would overhaul Medicaid dramatically, starting with job requirement]

AHCA

For conservatives and the health-care industry

Accelerating the expiration of the ACA’s taxes

The amendment would move up, from 2018 to 2017, the repeal of several taxes that help pay for provisions of the ACA. They include taxes on health insurers, prescription and over-the-counter drugs, medical devices and tanning beds, as well as a tax on Americans with higher incomes.

A delay in the legislation of the ACA’s “Cadillac tax” on high-cost employer plans would be extended by a year from 2025 to 2026.

AHCA

For New Yorkers

Upstate New York counties to give less to state for Medicaid

New York helps fund its Medicaid program through county property tax revenue. The amendment incentivizes the state to change this by blocking federal reimbursement of Medicaid funds collected by counties, which Rep. Chris Collins (R-N.Y.) said amounts to $2.3 billion. The amendment excludes New York City.

AHCA

For Illinoisans

Increase federal Medicaid funding for Illinois

According to lllinois’ GOP delegation, Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services Director Seema Verma said the state would be allowed to adjust its 2016 expense report. That means, the state would receive more money when Medicaid switches to per-person funding.



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